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Health Insurance Television Advertising Content And The Fifth Open Enrollment Period Of the Affordable Care Act Marketplaces

On November 1, 2018, the sixth open enrollment period for the Affordable Care Act (ACA) health insurance Marketplace began. Just as with the fifth open enrollment period, outreach and enrollment for the ACA under the Trump Administration looks very different than it did prior to 2017. In particular, earlier this year, the Department of Health and Human Services announced that they would be cutting funding for navigators, groups that help people enroll in plans available through the Affordable Care Act, for the second year running. The funding was reduced to $10 million (total) for 2019, from $36 million for the 2018 open enrollment period. For comparison, the funding for navigator programs and enrollment and other outreach was $62.5 million during the fourth open enrollment period under the Obama administration.

Affordable Care Act Marketplaces, Affordable Health Insurance, health insurance

Funds for advertising and promotion were also reduced from $100 million under Obama to $10 million, as announced in late August 2017, with television advertising for the Marketplace completely eliminated. For the current 2019 enrollment period, navigators have also been encouraged to inform consumers about other non-ACA compliant plans, including association health plans and short-term limited-duration insurance. The Trump administration has justified the cuts to the enrollment and outreach spending by noting that consumers can learn about their health plan options through digital marketing and many other mechanisms, including from high levels of advertising by insurance companies and by private-sector brokers and agents.

This response prompts an important question: what are the trends in volume and content of advertisements from non-federal sponsors? We sought to answer this question by examining the volume of health insurance advertising from all sponsors over time and providing a detailed description of the volume of advertising during the most recently completed (fifth) open enrollment period. (The fifth open enrollment period for federally-facilitated marketplace states was from November 1, 2017 to December 15, 2017). In addition, we examined the specific messages aired in advertisements from non-federal sponsors during this time frame.

Advertising data came from Kantar Media/CMAG and included every English-language ad categorized by Kantar Media/CMAG as about health insurance that aired between from May 14, 2013 to December 15, 2017 on broadcast television, as well as national network and national cable. The data included the Kantar-provided sponsor name and the date, time, and station of airing. We categorized sponsors as private, federal, state, or other; the latter category included ads sponsored by non-profit advocacy organizations and public service announcements.  For the fifth open enrollment period only, we further categorized the sponsor as a health insurance company, a health insurance company that is integrated with a health care delivery system, , health system or hospitals, and brokers or insurance agencies. The sponsor categories provided by Kantar were verified by two independent coders who reviewed the creatives and, if necessary, re-categorized them.

To assess the specific messages conveyed in the advertising from the fifth open enrollment period, 6 trained coders viewed all 1,025 creatives that had been aired a total of 338,018 times across the United States during this time period (November 1-December 15, 2017). Ads ranged from 10 seconds to 2 minutes. We constructed and applied a coding instrument to track the policy-relevant content in advertising. 

This was an abbreviated version of a more comprehensive coding process we implemented for ads aired from 2013-2016 which was recently published, and included the following variables: whether the ad focused on Medicare, whether the ad mentioned “enrollment” or “enroll”, Medicaid, or the existence of penalties or fines for not enrolling. In addition, we tracked whether the ad described insurance as low-cost or affordable, referenced the availability of preventive services, and mentioned deadlines by which to enroll. Given that we found significant declines in the likelihood of health insurance advertising mentioning the ACA between 2013 and 2016, we also tracked whether the following terms were mentioned: ‘healthcare.gov’, ‘the ACA’, ‘Obamacare’, or the ‘health care law’. We calculated kappa statistics (a measure of coder inter-rater reliability) and all variables reported here exceeded a kappa of 0.70, indicating good agreement among the coders.

Exhibit 1 shows the weekly volume of insurance advertisings by sponsor, from 2013 through the end of 2017. One important caveat to keep in mind when interpreting the figure is that Exhibit 1 displays the volume of all health insurance ads identified by Kantar Media/CMAG that aired over the period; the figure is not limited to airings by insurance companies that were marketing products available on the Marketplace versus off-Marketplace nor does it exclude ad airings of Medicare Advantage products or employer-sponsored insurance plans. A few patterns are worth noting. First, the 2013-2014 open enrollment period demonstrates a strikingly different pattern than the following periods, both in terms of the length of the open enrollment period (6 months) and the proportion of federal ads among the total. This suggests that it is likely inappropriate to extrapolate relationships between advertising and insurance outcomes in 2014 to the more recent periods.

Still, across all five open enrollment periods, private sponsors (insurance companies, brokers, health care systems) contributed the majority of advertising. Second, the majority of health insurance ads aired during time periods that correspond with the ACA open-enrollment periods (however, note that increases in airings preceded the start of the open enrollment period, likely those were for Medicare Advantage or other health insurance plans). Third, the most recent enrollment period had the highest peaks in weekly volume, but the peaks occurred during a shorter window of time, given that the fifth open enrollment period was only 45 days.

Next, we examined the content of ads aired during the most recently concluded enrollment period. Among the 338,018 total airings, 3.4 percent (n=11,592) had errors in the video that prevented us from coding them. After removing these airings, 1,507 were airings of federally-sponsored ads, of which 97 percent were for Medicare, 3 percent were for the Children’s Health Insurance Program, and none (as expected) were for healthcare.gov. Among the others, 29,631 airings were from state marketplaces, 293,939 were from private sponsors, and 1,349 airings were from other sponsors, like health advocates. 

Within the private sponsor category, more than two-thirds of airings focused on Medicare plans. While such ads could still serve as reminders to consumers under age 65 about enrolling, we restrict our remaining content analysis to the non-Medicare focused airings. Among the non-Medicare ad airings by private sponsors, the majority (87.6 percent) were sponsored by insurance companies; the remainder were from health systems that were integrated with insurance providers (e.g., Kaiser) (9.4 percent), health systems (0.7 percent), and insurance brokers or insurance agencies (2.4 percent).

Exhibit 2 reports the frequency with which ads aired included key policy-relevant messages. Almost no ads mentioned Medicaid (<1 percent total) and very few mentioned the existence of penalties or fines for not having health insurance (around 2 percent of airings total, and 2.9 percent of private-sponsor ads). More ads (26.7 percent) referenced affordability of plans, more in state Marketplace ads (43.0 percent) and other sponsors (47.1 percent) than in private sponsor ads (21.5 percent). State-based marketplace ads frequently mentioned free or low-cost preventive services available (benefits attributable to the ACA regulatory changes); this appeal was rarely mentioned in other types of ads. Ads explicitly encouraging people to enroll (using words enroll or enrollment) were relatively common; almost all of the ads by advocate / other sponsors included such an appeal, as did three-quarters (76.8 percent) of state ads, and 22.5 percent of private sector ads.

While it is difficult to distinguish in this type of content analysis which ads, particularly among those sponsored by private insurance companies, have the potential to drive consumers to enroll in the ACA Marketplace, references to the individual Marketplace deadline (December 15, 2017) or referring to the ACA (whether by name or as Obamacare or health care law) offer a clue. Just over 1 in 4 (27.4 percent) ads sponsored by private insurers referenced the December 15 deadline, but only 5.7 percent referenced the health care law explicitly. For comparison, from 2013-2016, we found that 38.8 percent of insurance company ad airings mentioned the health care law, although there were significant declines in references to the law from the 2013-2014 period to the 2015-2016 period.

Consumers in the upcoming 2019 open enrollment period are likely to see high volumes of health insurance ads, if the trends reported in Exhibit 1 persist. Although in many places, they may be crowded out until after the 2018 midterms given the high volume of political advertising. The majority of these ad airings will be from health insurance companies (although states operating their own marketplaces are pursuing creative enrollment approaches as well). 

Our analysis of the 2018 period suggests that while the volume of advertising was high overall, the messages in these health insurance company ads were unlikely to fill the gap in messaging left by federal marketing. First, as noted in media reports, the goal of health insurer ads (as differentiated from navigators’ assistance and/or healthcare.gov marketing) is to promote a particular product, not the Marketplace in general. 

Advertisements for non-ACA compliant plans are also likely to appear during the 2019 open enrollment period. Second, while some ads aired in 2017 did include messages about the federal deadline for enrollment, three-quarters did not, suggesting the ad appeals were not targeted to consumers using the federal Marketplace; they also rarely noted the still-in-existence penalty for not enrolling in health insurance. Third, few ads explicitly referenced the ACA, continuing a trend we observed in our recent research of private sector “submerging” of the federal government role in health insurance expansions. 

These messages that consumers see will, along with other policy changes, likely influence enrollment. These messages also have political consequences for how the public understands the role of the ACA in shaping the health insurance options available to them in a rapidly changing political and health insurance environment.

Acknowledgements


We thank our Wesleyan Media Project coding team, including Sofia Headley, Dolly Haddad, Helen Klass-Warch, Daniel Meek, Ben Sullivan, and Sophie Townsend. We previously presented these findings at the June 2018 AcademyHealth Annual Research Meeting. We also acknowledge collaborators and co-authors on our paper available in advance view now in the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law referenced in this post, including Sachini Bandara, Kimberly T. Arnold, Jessie K. Pintor, Jeff Niederdeppe, and Pinar Karaca-Mandic.

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The debate over national health insurance extends well beyond the issues of economics and political ideology. Rising costs, rising numbers of uninsured citizens, negative impact on families and businesses, and poor outcomes make the debate over healthcare reform one of the most important issues on the nation's agenda.


Medical care costs in the United States represent $2.4 trillion annually or $7,868 per capita. The cost of medical care has risen 75% over the past 8 years, outstripping inflation and per capita income increases by several multiples. Even though the United States spends almost 20% of its GDP on healthcare, millions of Americans are either uninsured or underinsured. 47 million Americans have no health insurance coverage at all. 25 million adults are underinsured, up 60% from 2003.

The United States is unusual among industrialized countries; it is the only wealthy industrialized nation that does not ensure health coverage for all of its citizens. As the United States loses jobs, workers become increasingly uninsured or underinsured, leading to huge personal financial problems. According to a study by Harvard University, 50% of all individual/family bankruptcies in 2001 were the result of medical bills.

Although the United States spends the most money on healthcare per capita, global indicators of health such as mortality, infant mortality and incidence of various diseases remain strikingly lower than many other industrialized and emerging economy countries. Taken together, the following indicators suggest that the U.S. healthcare system is in chaos - too expensive and not effective enough.

(1) The 2007 U.S. infant mortality rate of 6.4 deaths per 1000 live births is comparable to Croatia, Lithuania and Cuba. Most analysts currently rank the United States 28th in the world in infant mortality, far behind other industrialized nations such as Sweden, France, Japan and Germany.

(2) Life expectancy is currently 78 years. According to NationMaster data, the U.S. is ranked 44th in life expectancy compared with the 220 countries in its database.

(3) Even in the area of heart disease the United States' rate of 106.5 deaths per 100,000 population is higher than almost half of the other 26 countries for which data was available.

The U.S. healthcare system is a competitive marketplace, paid for by a combination of private insurance and several national or quasi-national healthcare insurance programs. 68% of Americans are insured by private healthcare insurers, either as individuals or individual families or in a group plan through an employer or association. 8.2% of Americans, mostly those aged 65 and over participate in the Medicare program, a national health insurance program that pays for most but not all medical costs. 14% of Americans are insured by Medicaid, state/federal health insurance programs that provide coverage for families who meet guidelines for low income.

Many healthcare providers simply refuse Medicaid insurance,rendering them effectively uninsured. 3% of Americans receive veterans' medical benefits and lastly 15.6% of Americans are uninsured. The percentages add up to more than 100% because some people are counted in more than one category.

One of the areas of confusion in the national health insurance debate is the difference between national health insurance and socialized medicine. Both systems are in operation in the U.S. today. Medicare and Medicaid represent forms of national health insurance, albeit limited to specific populations of people. The Veterans Administration's separate medical care system represents the socialized medicine approach where the government owns and operates all medical facilities.

The current national healthcare insurance debate does not include discussion of government-owned facilities. Instead the debate centers on whether there should be a single governmental payor for care, such as an expansion of Medicare or modifying the current private insurance system.

The national health insurance debate is, at its roots, a debate about the role of government in people's lives and money. Proponents supporting NHI present the following arguments:

(1) Government should play a role in safeguarding the health and safety of Americans.

(2) Every American has a right to a basic level of quality healthcare. Access to a minimum level of healthcare IS a right that every American should be able to count on; it's a cost of being a part of our great society.

(3) Reductions in the enormous administrative burden caused by many different insurance programs combined with an emphasis on long term preventive care will more than pay for the increase in coverage costs. NHI will save at least $200 billion annually (more than enough to cover all of the uninsured) by eliminating the high overhead and profits of the private, investor-owned insurance industry and reducing spending for marketing and other satellite services. Global evidence shows that every country that offers some kind of national health insurance experiences lower costs and better outcomes than the United States.

(4) NHI would create a healthier America which in turn will create greater productivity and ability to compete in the world marketplace including helping corporations by equalizing the burden of healthcare across businesses and allowing US corporations to become more competitive in the global economy.

(5) NHI would reduce clinicians' fears of the corporate dominance of medical care,

(6) NHI would make it possible to set and enforce overall spending limits for the health care system, slowing cost growth over the long run.

(7) One of the factors that drives healthcare costs is the plight of the uninsured. These Americans typically do not receive preventive care and avoid seeking medical care until the need is acute. As a result, the cost of providing care for the uninsured is much higher than it needs to be.

(8) NHI would increase choice, highly valued by Americans, as opposed to HMOs which limit choice.

(9) A NHI program will invest in longer term prevention that will improve outcomes across populations.

Those who oppose national health insurance believe:

(1) Healthcare, like any other commodity to be purchased, will be made most effective and efficient by being subjected to the marketplace where competition will drive innovation and quality and efficiency.

(2) They further believe in limiting the role that government plays in people's lives, preferring to provide money directly to citizens so they can make independent choices about healthcare, according to their own needs. The U.S. system acknowledges the American belief that every person has a right to make their own decisions such as purchasing the amount of healthcare they need at a price they can afford. Distributing healthcare creates entitlements that are subject to abuse.

(3) The current government system of Medicare and Medicaid imposes a huge burden of rules to follow and justifications required for reimbursement. This massive bureaucratic overlay would not disappear under NHI. The U.S. has an extremely poor track record of government being able to manage large scale programs effectively; in contrast, corporations have an excellent management track record.

(4) Choice will continue to be eroded under a NHI. Medicare, the model for NHI, uses HMOs as a cost containment strategy.

(5) Many corporations use medical insurance programs as a recruiting and retention tool; NHI would marginalize that competitive advantage.

(6) The U.S. government has shown that when it manages medical care, it reduces costs by making broad cuts across the Board, forcing physicians to be unwilling to accept government programs such as Medicaid.

(7) Most national health insurance programs in other countries create rationing for necessary procedures. "Research has indicated that Medicare and Medicaid patients face obstacles in getting the care they need, such as required prior approval for certain drugs, limits on prescriptions and co-payments that they can't afford." Similar obstacles to care exist in most countries, implemented with the goal of reducing unnecessary costs.

(8) Even though there are many uninsured American citizens, they still receive healthcare when needed.

(9) NHI will establish healthcare as a right. That status will make it very difficult to dial back the system if costs become unmanageable, like the social security situation.

(10) There is only so much money available for healthcare. This money is best used to support public health programs to limit environmental health hazards and the spread of infectious and communicable diseases.

(11) Healthy, responsible people should not be penalized by subsidizing people who choose not to take care of themselves by smoking or overeating. Similarly, young working people should not need to subsidize the elderly.

Is there any middle ground? Although many of the arguments represent polar opposite beliefs, there are some areas of middle ground where a discussion can begin.

(1) The fundamental competitive system of hospitals, physicians and other providers can remain intact, providing choice and driving innovation. NHI is merely a payment mechanism.

(2) It's possible to review and slash some of the administrative burdens and make those a high priority.

(3) Both sides are interested in some government role in matters of health. Although there are analysts who argue against an incremental approach, it may be possible to add another group to the Medicare program, people aged 55 and older, the age where chronic diseases begin to appear.

(4) It would be very useful to increase programs of consumer-directed spending through health savings accounts within the current Medicare and Medicaid systems.

While there may be middle ground, the debate over national health insurance will likely be fought on issues of ideology and finance.


By: Katt Mollar

Child health insurance is a primary concern for many parents, and so should be the alarmingly high number of uninsured kids for the government. Most children benefit from health coverage through their parents insurance or through family plans, but there are families that do not qualify for the public insurance system. In such cases, the solution for child health insurance and more could come from the private sector. The most common and popular type of model in the United States is the employer-provided insurance. Medicaid Services and Medicare have also come up with plans for low income families that do not qualify for the majority of health plans.


Statistics indicate that children who receive coverage through their parents' employers represent 60% of the overall number of the insured. Some other 5% are insured directly through the private market, while almost 30% have access to the public sector through Medicaid and other national programs. A very high number of American children are uninsured either over short periods of time or permanently. Fortunately this percentage will get lower, but things seem to become more and more difficult in the context of the financial crisis that affects an increasing number of families.

In the US, child health insurance is also available through the State Children's Insurance Program sponsored from allocated public funds. According to the national program, each state has a budget and an individual program of administration that allows for the decision of the criteria necessary to qualify for such child health insurance. The families that are eligible for the program are either out of work or have very low revenues. Within this kind of insurance system, the child immunizations, the doctor visits, the hospitalization and the emergency services are either free or very cheap.

The risk of not having child health insurance are incredibly high. Many parents try home treatments in the attempt to save money but they only manage to worse the health condition. Treatment would nevertheless be more expensive when the problems aggravate. For instance, a minimal family health insurance plan would save the parents from huge expenses. Information and awareness are therefore two of the most significant elements that could reduce the number of problems that the lack of insurance could generate.


By: Robert Thomson

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